Christos military and intelligence corner
Military and intelligence history mostly dealing with World War II.
Sunday, June 16, 2013
Update
I added the
title of SRH-368 in WWII
Myths - U-boat tankers and ULTRA intelligence, which is ‘Evaluation of the Role of Decryption
Intelligence in the Operational Phase of the Battle of the Atlantic, U.S. Navy
OEG Report #68, 1952’.
Update
I added the
following part in The
British War Office Cypher:
The official
history ‘British intelligence in the Second World War’ vol2, p298 says:
‘If under-estimation of the quality of
Rommel's equipment was one reason why British confidence was high when the
Crusader offensive began, another was the failure to allow for the efficiency
of his field intelligence. By August 1941 the Germans were regularly reading
the War Office high-grade hand cypher which carried a good deal of Eighth
Army's W/T traffic down to division level, and they continued to do so until
January 1942. Until then, when their success was progressively reduced by
British improvements to the recyphering system, whereas GC and CS's success
against the German Army Enigma continued to expand, this cypher provided them
with at least as much intelligence about Eighth Army's strengths and order of
battle as Eighth Army was obtaining about those of Rommel's forces.’Saturday, June 15, 2013
Thursday, June 13, 2013
More information on the German war economy
I’ve already
had a look at the German war economy and whether it was ‘mismanaged’ here.
For those of you that want to read more check out these articles:
1). From Economic History Review: ’Fixed-price
contracts, learning, and outsourcing: explaining the continuous growth of
output and labour productivity in the German aircraft industry during the
Second World War’ By Lutz Budrass, Jonas Scherner, and Jochen Streb. This
is basically the same article as ‘Demystifying
the German “armament miracle’’ but with additional information on
outsourcing.
Summary: ‘In this article it is claimed that, at least in the aircraft industry, the
development of German armament production and productivity was much more
continuous than Wagenführ's armament index and both the Blitzkrieg thesis and the inefficiency thesis suggest. In order
to prove this new thesis of continuity, we show on the basis of firm-level
data, firstly, that investment in production capacities had already started
before the war and was especially high in the early phase of the war, and
secondly, that the regulatory setting of aircraft production management was
rather constant and was not dramatically changed after 1941. In addition, we
demonstrate that the driving forces of productivity growth were primarily
learning-by-doing and outsourcing, the latter being generally neglected by
economic historians.’
2). ‘Industrial Investment in Nazi Germany: The Forgotten Wartime Boom’ by Jonas Scherner.
2). ‘Industrial Investment in Nazi Germany: The Forgotten Wartime Boom’ by Jonas Scherner.
Summary: ‘To date we lack reliable
data on the level of industrial investment in the Third Reich. In addition our overall
knowledge of the quantitative significance of the war-related branches –
autarky and armaments industries – is extremely patchy. And yet, a precise
knowledge of these figures is clearly crucial if we are to arrive at a proper
characterization of the political economy of the Third Reich. Investment
strategies with their long-run implications for industrial output are
particularly revealing as to the debate about a Blitzkrieg strategy supposedly
pursued by Hitler’s Germany early in the war. Furthermore, investment data may
play a crucial part in demystifying Albert Speer’s so-called armaments miracle,
about which it is commonly claimed that it depended on intensive rather than extensive
growth. This paper, based on largely unknown sources, attempts to fill this
gap, providing figure for industrial investment for the entire period between
1936 and 1944. It will be shown that actual investment was substantially larger
after 1938 than has hitherto been recognized. The paper will also present
detailed estimates for investment in armaments and autarky industries for the
period 1934- 1943. These show that during the period 1940-1942 Germany
experienced a spectacular investment boom, primarily directed towards widening
the industrial base for war. This clearly should have substantial implications
for the historiography, since it calls into question both the Blitzkrieg
narrative and the conventional view of the armaments miracle.’
3). From Economic History Review: ‘‘Armament
in depth’ or ‘armament in breadth’? German investment pattern and rearmament
during the Nazi period’ By Jonas Scherner.
Summary: ‘Today, most scholars
agree that Nazi Germany did not follow a premeditated Blitzkrieg strategy in
the late 1930s and at the beginning of the Second World War. However, the
question of the extent to which Germany’s economy had been prepared for a
longer war is still debated because statistical information on Germany’s
investment pattern is fragmentary and data on the structure of prewar German
military expenditure are not available. Relying on newly discovered sources,
this article closes these gaps.The Nazi regime clearly shifted its investment
towards preparation for war from the mid-1930s on, and though armaments
purchases stagnated during the period from 1937 to 1939, investment in
munitions industries grew considerably. Consequently, during the late 1930s the
Nazis pursued a ‘sustainable’ rearmament strategy necessary for fighting a
longer war. Yet, despite massive capacity enlargements in the munitions
industries, total German investment was not unusually high by today’s
definition because contemporary figures included a significant amount of armaments
purchases.’
Labels:
ww2 stats,
WWII Myths
Monday, June 10, 2013
Another look at the reliability of the TICOM reports
I’ve already
had a look at the reliability
of the TICOM reports regarding the successes of the German codebreakers.
Scherschmidt worked entirely on diplomatic traffic and was not familiar with military or agent systems or with any successes achieved on them. He had dabbled in Polish throughout his Pers Z S career and early in 1939 he was assigned to the main diplomatic code of the Polish Foreign Office. This had been in force since 1934, and some unsuccessful research had been done in an effort to ascertain the encipherment used. The problem was given a very high priority in 1939 and Scherschmidt had first class assistance. With the aid of a captured specimen of encipherment and a captured description of the indicator system, the first message was read early in 1940. The code was recovered gradually, and in 1941 and 1942 all messages was read, most of them currently. The code went out of use in October 1942 and was replaced by a letter code. Scherschmidt did a little work on this at first but did not come back to the problem later. He said the code was never solved, and he did not know details of the attacks made on it by KUNZE and others.’
(Note that
I’ve used the I-63 file from NARA that has been uploaded by the TICOM Archive site. My
copy from the British Archives has parts redacted.)
The reports by Szumowski allow us to answer an important question. In I-63 it is stated ‘The problem was given a very high priority in 1939 and Scherschmidt had first class assistance. With the aid of a captured specimen of encipherment and a captured description of the indicator system, the first message was read early in 1940’
Going through
some of my files I’ve noticed another clear cut case. Regarding Polish diplomatic
codes we have the following statements from report I-63 ‘Interrogation Report
on ORR Herrmann Scherschmidt of, Pers Z S, Auswaertiges Amt’, p3
‘5.Polish Systems:Scherschmidt worked entirely on diplomatic traffic and was not familiar with military or agent systems or with any successes achieved on them. He had dabbled in Polish throughout his Pers Z S career and early in 1939 he was assigned to the main diplomatic code of the Polish Foreign Office. This had been in force since 1934, and some unsuccessful research had been done in an effort to ascertain the encipherment used. The problem was given a very high priority in 1939 and Scherschmidt had first class assistance. With the aid of a captured specimen of encipherment and a captured description of the indicator system, the first message was read early in 1940. The code was recovered gradually, and in 1941 and 1942 all messages was read, most of them currently. The code went out of use in October 1942 and was replaced by a letter code. Scherschmidt did a little work on this at first but did not come back to the problem later. He said the code was never solved, and he did not know details of the attacks made on it by KUNZE and others.’
Can this
information be verified from some other source? The answer is yes.
The
Cryptologia article ‘From the Archives: Polish Interwar MFA's
Cipher Compromised?’ by Jan
Bury presents two report written by Polish intelligence official Major
Tadeusz Szumowski in 1940 and 1946-7 that verify the compromise of the
Polish diplomatic code.
According to Szumowski the Poles had introduced the diplomatic ‘Code 45’
in 1933 and were aware that it might have been compromised. These suspicions
became certainties when the British and French ambassadors in Berlin (Coulondre and Henderson) told them that they shouldn’t use this code
when sending messages to them.
In April 1939 the Poles received another warning this time from Major
Bartik, former chief of the Czech Counter Intelligence, regarding the
compromise of their code.
This prompted the Polish leadership to authorize the use of a new code. Using
trusted personnel a new letter code was prepared and printed and it ready for
distribution in May 1940 but this operation was halted by Jan Ciechanowski the
secretary general of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Government-in-Exile.
This act, according to Szumowski, amounted to treason:
‘These circumstances can hardly be explained by indolence and
thoughtlessness at the MFA. This is rather negligence, which during the war is
close to high treason and requires exemplary punishment. Personally I would be
close to assuming that Mr Ciechanowski, considering the fact than an army
officer [i.e. Szumowski] took care of the [development of the] cipher, was
afraid the military could read the MFA’s messages, although he did not realize
this was impossible knowing the cipher used unique tables.’
Eventually the new code ‘Alpha’ was distributed to posts abroad (first in
the embassies in Paris, Rome and Bern) but the old ‘Code 45’ continued to be
used by many other posts worldwide till end of ’42 when ‘Code 50’ was
introduced. (Note that ‘Alpha’ and Code 50’ are also mentioned in the British
report "Polish
Cyphers 1942-1945", write-up by Jones-Williams (Berkeley St.))
If we compare the statements in I-63 with the Cryptologia article we see
that the information is a perfect match. TICOM I-63 says that the Polish main
diplomatic code was used since 1934, while the article says it was introduced
in mid 1933. The Germans read it till end ’42 when the new letter code was
introduced. Again this is verified from the article which refers to ‘Alpha’ and
‘Code 50’.The reports by Szumowski allow us to answer an important question. In I-63 it is stated ‘The problem was given a very high priority in 1939 and Scherschmidt had first class assistance. With the aid of a captured specimen of encipherment and a captured description of the indicator system, the first message was read early in 1940’
I’ve wondered of how the Germans got hold of those documents. According
to Szumowski the Czechs had this information and they were able to decode
Polish communications in the late 30’s. When the Germans occupied the country
in March 1939 they obviously found some of the secret Czech archives. That is
why he was warned in 1939 by the Czech officials…
Labels:
Pers Z,
Polish codes,
TICOM
Wednesday, June 5, 2013
British report on Hitler assassination attempts
File FO
1093/288 is available from the British National archives. It can be
downloaded for free if you create an account.
It has a report
written by SS Obersturmbannführer Kappler on Elser who attempted
to blow up Hitler in 1939. Kappler was his interrogator and he was convinced
that he acted alone.
There is also
another report by Hans Bernd Gisevius, giving an
overview of the Resistance against Hitler in the military and political circles
from the 1930’s till 1944.
Reference found through WW2
Talk forum.
Labels:
Abwehr
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